I was born in Detroit and lived through a citywide wave of black and brown disenfranchisement that made Detroit the poster child for how we should be living.
It was a time when the police department in my hometown was on a mission to rid the city of violent criminals, and I was there.
In the spring of 1970, I was the first black officer in Detroit.
That summer, a white police officer, Charles Ferguson, shot and killed a black man named John Burroughs in the middle of the street.
Two days later, a black police officer shot and injured an unarmed white man named James Clark.
After Clark’s death, several black residents, led by a group called the Detroit Black Panthers, took over the city and began to riot, eventually killing two police officers and wounding eight others.
The unrest in Detroit led to the creation of the National Guard and, after riots erupted in Oakland, California, in the fall of 1970 and the protests in Oakland turned violent, federal agents were sent in to quell the riots.
This all came at a time in which racial inequality was at a fever pitch, with a black person being killed by police every 10 seconds.
The FBI’s Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Division, a branch of the Department of Justice, was also called in.
By the end of the summer, it had established the first major federal anti-gang task force in the nation.
I was a young, inexperienced officer who had been assigned to a violent, troubled neighborhood.
I felt compelled to make the right decisions in the heat of a situation.
I took the case of the white man and the black man and decided that I had no choice but to arrest them.
I could not go through with it.
My career would be over if I did.
I didn’t want to be responsible for someone’s death.
But the job wasn’t over.
This is the story of the first of the two major anti-gang task forces that the FBI created, Operation Tear Drop.
In 1970, a new law was enacted in Michigan, the Violent Crime Reduction Act, that required police to make arrests at least every 40 seconds.
When the first federal anti, violent crime task force was created in 1972, it also mandated a 100 percent conviction rate.
The result was a program that brought about the lowest crime rates in decades, and was credited with helping to end more than a decade of rioting in Detroit that led to Clark’s murder.
But, by the end the decade, the FBI’s task force had become the subject of widespread criticism.
It had become too focused on the numbers, with few resources devoted to the cases that it had been charged with investigating.
This resulted in a lack of transparency and accountability, which led to a number of cases being reopened and reopened again.
In 1976, President Gerald Ford issued a directive that required the FBI to create a task force that would be able to handle more cases, but it also led to an influx of new cases.
In 1978, the National Academy of Sciences released a report that questioned the efficacy of the Bureau’s task forces.
This was largely due to the failure of the task forces to effectively coordinate the work of the FBI and other federal agencies and to ensure that the federal government had a coherent policy for dealing with the threat of violent crime.
It also noted that the task force’s approach to dealing with these issues had become increasingly aggressive.
After a review by the task group, the report found that the Bureau had “systematically pursued excessive and racially biased cases and prosecutions.”
The task force concluded that the bureau’s anti-crime strategy “is based on the notion that black people are less culpable for violent crimes than white people.”
This, in turn, leads to a cycle of increasing reliance on the police, which in turn leads to escalating violence.
The Bureau’s anti crime policy became a subject of fierce debate.
In 1979, the American Civil Liberties Union of Michigan filed a lawsuit challenging the bureau for its use of excessive force.
The federal government also challenged the bureau in 1981, alleging that the Department was violating the Americans with Disabilities Act, the Civil Rights Act, and the Voting Rights Act.
After years of legal wrangling, the U.S. Supreme Court agreed to hear the case, which ultimately led to four rulings in 1981 that ruled against the Bureau.
The first ruling said that “the Department’s use of the threat or use of force is not a ‘disproportionate use of physical force,'” but rather, that it was “necessary to preserve life or protect property.”
The Supreme Court later reaffirmed the use of deadly force as a legitimate response to violent crimes, which has resulted in more than 200,000 deaths in the U,S.
As part of Operation Taw Drop, I began to take action against those who were breaking the law and taking the law into their own hands.
My first step was